The growing significance of social media in research demands new ethical standards and practices. Although a substantial body of literature on social media ethics exists, studies on the ethics of conducting research using social media are scarce. The emergence of new evidence sources, like social media, requires innovative methods and renewed consideration of research ethics. Therefore, we pose the following question: What are the defining characteristics of ethics papers on social media research? Following a modified version of the Preferred Reporting (...) Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) protocol, we analyzed 34 publications based on ten variables: author gender, publication year, region, academic discipline, type, design, methodology, social media platform in focus, positionality statement, and ethical issues. Our findings suggest contemporary social media research ethics primarily reflects the ethical ideals of the Global North, with limited representation from the Global South. Women authors have published more papers than men authors. Previous studies have prioritized ethical concerns such as privacy, informed consent, and anonymity while overlooking researchers’ risks and the ethics of social media sites. We particularly emphasized the lack of researchers’ positionality statements in research. Our findings will pave the way to understanding social media ethics better, especially with the rapid growth of social media research in global scholarship. (shrink)

Companies are expected to monitor sustainable behaviour to help improve performance, enhance reputation and increase chances of survival. This paper examines the relationship between sustainability committees and independent external assurance on the inclusion of sustainability-related targets in CEO compensation contracts. Using a sample of UK FTSE350 companies for 2011–2015 and controlling for governance and firm characteristics, we find both board-level sustainability committees and sustainability reporting assurance have a positive and significant association with the inclusion of sustainability terms in compensation contracts. (...) However, there is no joint impact between the voluntary use of independent external assurance and the role of sustainability committees on CEO compensation contracts. Sustainability-related terms in compensation contracts are more likely to be included, and higher compensation is likely to be paid, when assurance is provided by a Big4 firm and when a company operates in a sustainability-sensitive industry. Our findings highlight the potential of assured sustainability reports in assessing CEO performance in sustainability-related tasks, especially when sustainability metrics are included in CEO compensation contracts. Overall, our results suggest companies that invest in voluntary assurance are more likely to monitor management’s behaviour and be concerned about the achievement of sustainability goals. (shrink)

al-juzʼ al-awwal. Muḥāwalāt ʻulūm al-insān wa-manahajuhā fī fahm al-insān -- al-juzʼ al-thānī. Madākhil al-fikr wa-al-thaqāfah fī fahm al-insān -- al-juzʼ al-thālith. Muqārabāt ʻilm al-insān al-mutakhaṣṣiṣ fī fahm al-insān wa-maʻālim taʼsīs al-badīl, qirāʼah fī ʻilm al-Anthrūbūlūjiyā al-ḥadīth.

We investigate and analyze the dynamics of hepatitis B with various infection phases and multiple routes of transmission. We formulate the model and then fractionalize it using the concept of fractional calculus. For the purpose of fractionalizing, we use the Caputo–Fabrizio operator. Once we develop the model under consideration, existence and uniqueness analysis will be discussed. We use fixed point theory for the existence and uniqueness analysis. We also prove that the model under consideration possesses a bounded and positive solution. (...) We then find the basic reproductive number to perform the steady-state analysis and to show that the fractional-order epidemiological model is locally and globally asymptotically stable under certain conditions. For the local and global analysis, we use linearization, mean value theorem, and fractional Barbalat’s lemma, respectively. Finally, we perform some numerical findings to support the analytical work with the help of graphical representations. (shrink)

The current study aimed to investigate the level of proactive motivation among kindergarten teachers. The researcher used the descriptive approach is appropriate for the current study., and the current study community is kindergarten teachers in Iraq, Wasit Governorate, Al-Aziziyah City/ for the academic year (2023-2024). Accordingly, the study relied on the stratified random method in selecting its research sample, as the sample size amounted to (60) teachers from government kindergarten teachers in Al-Aziziyah City, affiliated to Wasit Governorate in Iraq. The (...) researcher constructed a proactive motivation scale consisting of (30) paragraphs distributed over (3) axes, and each axis has (10) paragraphs. The study concluded that there is a statistically significant effect of proactive behavior and perception on proactive planning at a significance level of 0.05 in the study sample, and there is a statistically significant effect of proactive behavior on proactive planning at a significance level of 0.05 in the study sample, and there is a statistically significant effect of proactive perception on proactive planning at a significance level of 0.05 in the study sample. (shrink)

Diskussion over begrebet 'skønhed', og om hvordan den påvirker vores liv.

Globalization; intellectual life; Morocco; philosophy.

We analyze in this brief study the remains excavated in the great courtyard of the al-Badī‘ Palace in Marrakech, which correspond to a ḥammām, whose disappearance was probably caused by the construction of the great Palace erected by the Saadian Sultan Aḥmad al-Manṣūr in 1578. The use in that thermal building of some characteristic forms of the Ottoman baths built at the same time suggests that its construction was performed by the brother and predecessor of al-Manṣūr, ‘Abd al-Malik, between 1576 (...) and 1578. (shrink)

Zaman, düşünce tarihini eskimeyen konusudur. Düşünce tarihi boyunca tekrar tekrar tartışılan bu konuda Batı felsefesinin başlangıcına bakmak bize birtakım olanaklar sağlayacaktır. Çalışmamızda zaman konusunda Eski Yunanlıların kullandıkları kelimelerden yola çıkarak bu konudaki yaklaşımları ele alınmıştır. Burada hem söz konusu sözcüklerin anlam bağlamları hem de söz konusu sözcüklerin Eski Yunan mitolojisiyle, tragedyasıyla ve felsefesiyle olan bağlantıları ortaya konmaya çalışılmıştır.

Bu çalışma, zamanın ne’liği problemi üzerine felsefi bir sorgulama amacını taşımaktadır. Zamanın ne’liği meselesi, Antikçağdan günümüze kadar pek çok felsefeci tarafından incelenmiştir. Bu felsefeciler arasında yirminci yüzyıl felsefecilerinden John Ellis McTaggart’ın ortaya attığı “Zamanın Gerçekdışılığı Argümanı”, sorgulamanın gidişatı açısından son derece önem teşkil etmiştir. Bu nedenle çalışmanın merkezi McTaggart’ın argümanının incelenmesine ayrılmış, diğer bölümlerde ise McTaggart öncesi ve McTaggart sonrasına ait düşünceler ele alınmıştır. Bu bağlamda çalışmanın ilk bölümünde McTaggart’a kadarki süreç içerisinde felsefe tarihinde geliştirilmiş zaman düşünceleri ele alınacaktır. Çalışmanın (...) ikinci bölümü, McTaggart’ın “Zamanın Gerçekdışılığı Argümanı”nın incelenmesine ayrılmıştır. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünde ise McTaggart sonrası geliştirilen zaman teorileri ve yirminci yüzyıl zaman felsefesinin tartışmaları ele alınacaktır. Sonuç niteliğindeki son bölüm ise felsefe tarihindeki zaman düşüncelerine ait genel değerlendirmeleri ve yazarın kişisel düşüncelerini içermektedir. (shrink)

Heidegger felsefesinin en temel niteliği, bize göre monistik bir karakter arz etmesidir. Heidegger'de varlık, hiçlik, zaman, metafizik terimleri hep aynı ontolojik problemin farklı terminolojik veçheleri olarak karşımıza çıkar. Sadece varlığı anlamaya hasredilmiş bu felsefenin başyapıtı ise kuşkusuz Varlık ve Zaman'dır. Bu eserde Heidegger titiz, ancak önceki felsefelerden farklı bir perspektif ile varlık sorusunu ele alır ve varlığı anlamaya çalışır. Varlığın yanı başında duran diğer bir kavram ise hiçliktir. Hiçlik problemini ise Heideger, bir ders sunumu olan Metafizik Nedir? isimli küçük risalesinde (...) irdeler. Ancak Metafizik Nedir?deki çözümlemelerin terminolojik arka planının önemli ölçüde Varlık ve Zaman'da olduğunu düşünüyoruz. Bu makalede filozofun Metafizik Nedir?’deki hiçlik çözümlemesi, Varlık ve Zaman’daki varlık çözümlemesi ile irtibatlı olarak ele alınıp anlaşılmaya çalışılacaktır. (shrink)

Ibn al-Bannāʼ, Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad, 1256?-1321?'s al-Rawḍ al-murīʻ fī ṣināʻat al-badīʻ; arabic language; rhetoric; criticism and interpretation.

Sosyal bilimsel yaklaşımlar önemli ölçüde kültürel ayrımlara ve varsayımlara, kültürel ayrımlar ise örtük bir zaman tasavvuruna bağlıdır. Kültürün bir bileşeni olan zaman, gerçekliğin toplumsal ve tarihsel inşası sürecine dahildir. Toplumsal/tarihsel gerçekliğin incelenmesi adeta toplumun kurumsallaşmış unsurlarından biri olan zamanın da incelenmesini gerekli kılar. Kültürelci yaklaşımlarda zaman konusu bilhassa tarihselcilik ve eleştirisi bağlamında ele alınmaktadır. Tarihselciliği eleştiren ve buna alternatif teşkil eden yaklaşımlar da zaman tasavvuru ve bunun seçilen yönteme etkisi bakımından tarihselciliğin bazı ön kabullerini paylaşmaktadır. Bu alternatifler modernist sosyal bilimlerin (...) zaman algısına yönelik esaslı bir sorgulamadan uzaktır. Postmodernist sosyal bilimlerdeki mekân vurgusu ise ötekini ortak bir insanlık zamanının dışında konumlandırmaya dönük modernist varsayımın izlerini taşımaktadır. Bu çalışma zaman tasavvurunun sosyal bilimsel yönteme yansımalarına ve kültürel taksonominin zamanla ilişkisine dair eleştirel/anlayıcı bir perspektif sunmak ve yöntembilim tartışmalarında eksik kalan bu boyuta katkı sağlamak amacındadır. (shrink)

The first poems about the Prophet Muḥammad appeared while he was alive. These first examples, which are panegyrics (madīḥ, i‛tiẕār, fakhr and ris̱ā), largely reflect the characteristics of the pre-Islamic qaṣīda poetry. Due to the developments in the following centuries, the number of poems about the Prophet increased. And thus, a separate literary genre was formed under the name al-madīḥ al-nabawī. Especially the fact that sufi leaning poets contributed to the literary richness in this field. Another factor is the beginning (...) of the tradition of writing mawlid poems in memory of the birth of the Prophet Muḥammad. The thirteenth century was an important period for poems praising the Prophet Muḥammad. Two important poets emerged in this century. One of them is Egyptian poet al-Būṣīrī and the other is Baghdad's famous poet, Yaḥyā al-Ṣarṣarī. Even after his death, Ṣarṣarî’s works with high literary value were read and memorized in the circles of science, literature and Sufism. Due to his competence in the field, al-Ṣarṣarī was known as the poet of the Prophet and Ḥassān b. Thābit of his time. However, it is understood that his poems, which lost their importance in literary circles over time, were not studied as much as they deserved in the modern period. In this article, his life and works are introduced and basic language and stylistic features of his poems are examined. Also, the image of the Prophet in his poems was determined within the framework of the political conditions of the period.Summary: In the field of madīh nabawī, which first appeared in the ‘Asr al-Sa’āda and has continued to the present day, especially two names stand out in the 7th/13th century, when famous poets such as Macduddīn al-Vitrī (d. 662/1264), Ibn al-Muraḥḥal (d. 699/1300) and Ṣafiyyuddīn al-Ḥillī (d. 749/1348) were also raised. One of them is the Egyptian poet al-Būṣīrī (d. 695/1296), who left his mark on the field of madīh nabawī with his many poems, especially Qaṣīda Burda, and the other is the Iraqi poet Yahya al-Ṣarṣarī (d. 656/1258), who was named Shā‘iru Rasūlillāh (The poet of the Prophet) and Ḥassānu Vaḳtihī (Ḥassān of that period) because of the quality of his poems in this field.al-Ṣarṣarī, was born in the village of al-Ṣarṣar, near Baghdad, spent most of his life in the shadow of Baghdad’s political instability and the social collapse that developed in parallel. He was killed in 656/1258 by the Mongolian forces that invaded Baghdad. al-Ṣarṣarī was extremely knowledgeable in fiqh, hadith, language, and ‘ilm al-qirāa. Our poet adopted the views of the Hanbalī law school. In addition, he turned to Sufism and became a murīd (disciple) of Ali ibn Idrīs al-Ya‘kūbī, a student of Abdalqadīr al-Gīlanī who was accepted as the founder of Qādiriyya. He was closely attached to the Sunnah of the Prophet and was fond of reading the Quran. He was chaste and patient and was content with what he had himself. All his works are poetic and they all concern the madīh nabawī or fiqh.Since his poems, almost all of which are about the praise of the Prophet, have a high literary value, they were read, memorized and narrated for a long time in the circles of science, literature and Sufism. In terms of its structure, his poems are based on the traditional forms of Arab qasīda. In the introductory sections of his poems, he often expresses his longing for Madina. The main subject in poems is usually the Prophet and his superior features. In the last part, he usually says salāt for the Prophet and seeks help from him. It can be said that he used simple language in his poems. The vocabulary reflects the characteristics of the urban life in which he lived. The source of inspiration for his poems are the Qur’an and especially the hadith of the Prophet. He uses the potential of literary arts as much as possible while conveying his feelings. But he does not allow the correct information to be lost due to these arts on a serious subject such as depicting the Prophet. We can see a lot of badī‘ (creative) art in some of his poems. But we can immediately understand that these arts do not spoil the beauty of his expression. The poet provides rhythm and harmony in his poetry with the meter and rhyme in accordance with the classical Arabic qasida rules. In addition, he strengthens the musicality in poetry with puns (jinās) and repetition.The influence of the instability of the region where al-Ṣarṣarī lived on his poems is obvious. According to him, the main reason for the terrible situation that Muslims were in was that they were away from the way of the Prophet. He thought that it would be possible to go back to the old peaceful days by following the way of the Prophet. Perhaps as a result of this opinion, he allocated his qasīda to the narration of the Prophet and his Companions. In his poems, he describes the Prophet with his names, superior qualities, physical and moral characteristics. He says that the sentences describing the Prophet are the ornament of poems and believes that praising him is a mean of salvation in the next world. He also hoped that the poems he said in order to achieve spiritual ascension would protect himself against the troubled events of the period.In his poems, especially on the occasion of mawlīd, al-Ṣarṣarī mentions the Prophet’s physical characteristics and likens his smiling face to a bright full moon, his brows to the letter nûn, his teeth to pearls. He describes the Prophet as a man with black eyes, broad shoulders, born with kohl-lined eyes, and who emanates a beautiful scent as a requirement of his creation. The poet, who also touches on the Prophet’s powerful address, states that his speech is more effective than Luqman’s wise words by virtue of his jawami‘ al-kalim (comprehensive speech) and faṣl al-khiṭab (clear speech), and that his soft address, which states nothing other than the truth, is a blessing from Allah. He additionally describes the Prophet’s plain words, easy to understand by all, as more valuable than jewels. al-Ṣarṣarī, who praises the Prophet in terms of morality with basic human virtues such as bashfulness, justice, modesty, and courage, emphasizes that he is, a paragon of patience, perseverance, kindness, and compassion through analogies such as, “his clothes are peace and perseverance”, his “cover is kindness and forgiveness”. In his world of imagery, the Prophet’s benevolence is so abundant like the rain that the clouds cannot compete with him. Also, he does not shame anybody for what he gives. He bestows the most valuable possessions like gold and camels. Even the respectable personalities of the tribe benefit from his grace. He is so generous that he is giving even when the clouds are stingy about giving rain during times of drought. He welcomes with a smile those who approach him with requests. The donations he makes privately are entirely satisfying.The image of prophethood in al-Ṣarṣarī’s poems, is centralized around the thought of nūr Muhammadī (prophetic light) and the miracles of the Prophet. He reminds that the Prophet never gave up despite the calamities he encountered and that he was supported with extraordinary events in various stages of his life since he was born, and reflects the understanding that the prophet is spiritually supporting the community with his nūr, and in the case the community follow his sunnah, overcoming the Mongolian attacks, which seems like a miracle, is possible. The mention of Qattāl (warrior), Māḥī (eliminator of disbelief), Ẓāhir, Ẓāfir, Manṣūr and Muẓaffar (victorious) among the Prophet’s names, especially those that evoke the superiority he gained in his fight against the disbelievers, giving greater prominence to his courage and valor among his virtues are also related to the political and social conditions of the period. The couplets about the Companions of the Prophet following the couplets that describe the Prophet’s valor, the emphasis of their aid to the Prophet, and the particular mention of their fighter spirit may be considered in the same context. Perhaps, in this way, the poet aims to boost the courage of the Muslims who are exposed to Mongolian attacks with respect to protecting their spiritual and holy values against the enemy. (shrink)

In the history of Al-Andalus, Bâdîs b. Habbûs emerges as an influential leader, shining prominently in the mid-11th century as the ruler of the Al-Andalus Zîrî State. Bâdîs, belonging to the Berber Sanhâce tribe, attained a significant position in the political arena through remarkable ascent and leadership skills, establishing himself as a crucial figure in the Al-Andalus region. Throughout history, Sanhâce has been engaged in continuous rivalry with the Zenâte tribe, and the most notable period of these interactions occurred during (...) the IV-VI (X-XII) centuries. In this crucial era, a Zenâte branch known as the Telkâtels established influential states in Ifrîkıye, the eastern part of Algeria, and Al-Andalus, drawing attention to their accomplishments. On the other hand, the Lemtûne and Messûfel tribes formed their independent states in Mağrib-i Aksâ, Al-Andalus, and the Balearic Islands. Telkâte, a prominent tribe affiliated with Sanhâce, settled in the Kosantîne province of Algeria during the 10th century. The leadership of Bâdîs, representing a critical period in the history of the Al-Andalus Zîrî State, commenced during the reign of II. Hakem with the aim of strengthening the Zîrî State and ensuring stability. Following the death of II. Hakem, Bâdîs was appointed to rectify the weakened state of the Zîrî State. In this critical period, Bâdîs's political acumen and leadership skills played a crucial role in stabilizing and expanding the state. Under his leadership, the Al-Andalus Zîrî State not only achieved political stability but also distinguished itself with cultural and intellectual advancements. Emir Bâdîs, by supporting local administrators in various regions of Al-Andalus, maintained regional balance and expanded the borders of the Zîrî State. Significant progress in science, literature, architecture, and the arts contributed to the cultural richness of Al-Andalus during his leadership. Bâdîs's effective leadership not only marked a significant era in the history of the Al-Andalus Zîrî State but also left a long-lasting legacy, influencing political and cultural developments in the region. After the death of Habbûs b. Mâksen in 429/1038, his son Bâdîs b. Habbûs ascended to the throne as the ruler of Granada. However, some Jews and Berbers demanded the accession of his brother Bulukkîn to the throne. Alongside these requests, a group that included Arabs and the vizier Samuel b. Nagrîle supported Bâdîs's rule. Under the leadership of Bâdîs b. Habbûs, the Zîrî Emirate experienced its most powerful period in Al-Andalus between 429-465 (1038-1073). During this time, the emirate emerged as one of the significant powers in the region. Bâdîs b. Habbûs's initial reign was shaped by various activities, including the education of his children, book critiques with scholars, receiving envoys, and a power struggle for the throne with his nephew Yiddîr b. Hubâse, who assumed the role of adviser. In the early years of his government, Emir Bâdîs made important decisions that contributed significantly to the strengthening of the emirate. This period is recorded as a time when the Zîrî Emirate held an influential position in the political scene of Al-Andalus, leaving a significant impact on the region. Bâdîs b. Habbûs was aware that the most significant obstacle to expanding his sovereignty was the Abbâdîs in Ishbiliya. The leader of the Abbâdîs was İsmâil, the son of Ebu’l-Kâsım b. Abbâd. Although Bâdîs b. Habbûs possessed a formidable military force, İsmâil, the leader of the Abbâdîs, aimed to eliminate the presence of Berbers in Al-Andalus. However, the greatest obstacle to this goal was Sultan Bâdîs b. Habbûs of Granada and his army. In an attempt to expand his dominance in Ishbiliya, Ebu’l-Kâsım Ibn Abbâd appointed his son İsmâil b. Abbâd as the hâcib. This strategic move was part of İbn Abbâd's strategy to enhance his influence beyond Ishbiliya. Nevertheless, faced with the risk to his material and especially spiritual authority, Yahyâ b. Ali b. Hammûd decided to unite Berber leaders to target Ishbiliya. During the Zîrî rule, disputes between Temîm b. Bulukkîn, the grandson of Bâdîs b. Habbûs, and his son Abdullah b. Bulukkîn persisted until the decline of the Zîrî dynasty. (shrink)

Aristotle Middle Commentary on the Topics, comparing them, where necessary, to the testimonies collected by Boethius in his De topicis differentiis. In addition we show that the Themistian classification of loci was taken up by Abt al-Badb al-mub al-mu al-Barak thus reveals himself to be closer than Averroes to the testimony of Boethius. This suggests the idea of a double redaction by Themistius of the classification of loci: one, more concentrated, comes from an introduction to the paraphrase of the central (...) books of the Topics, which may have inspired Averroes; the other, more extensive, which will have been part of an original work, and inspired the classifications of Boethius and of Abt al-Badī. (shrink)

In the ‘Ilm al-Balāgha, there are literary arts related to the beginning of the speech, the transition to the main topic and the conclusion. Ḥusn al-ibtidā and barāat al-istihlāl includes the introduction part of the speech; takhalluṣ and iqtidāb include transition from the introduction to the main topic; ḥusn al-intihā deals with the conclusion part. The position of these literary arts, which found a place in classical and modern rhetoric books, differed from one author to another even some authors did (...) not consider these arts as part of ‘Ilm al-Balāgha. In this study, it is suggested that it would be more accurate to include these arts, which come under the title of ‘Ilm al- Badī‘ or poetry plagiarisms or as separate subheadings in rhetoric books, under the title of composition arts in the ‘Ilm al-Balāgha. Because the composition means that the beginning of a text or a speech, the transition to the subject and the conclusion are supposed to be in harmony with each other. In our research, we pointed out the connection of the relevant arts with today’s composition studies, as well as the fact that the most beautiful examples of them are in the Holy Qurān, and we tried to reveal the place and importance of these arts in the ‘Ilm al-Balāgha. (shrink)

Felsefe, kümülatif yapısı ile ele alınmalıdır. Bu yüzden, bir filozofun düşünceleri anlaşılmak istendiğinde, o kendi çağındaki mevcut ve geçmiş teorilerden soyutlanmamalı ve bu kümülatif ve devamlılık arz eden yapı dikkate alınarak incelenmelidir. Bu bağlamda, Kant, Bergson ve İkbal’in zaman anlayışları, bazı uyumsuz noktalara sahip gibi anlaşılabilseler de, dikkatle incelendiğinde birbirleri arasında bir devamlılığın bulunduğu göze çarpar. Kant’ın zaman anlayışı, Kritik öncesi ve Kritik dönemi olmak üzere iki dönemde incelenebilir. Kritik öncesi döneminde Kant, zamanın insan zihninin dışında kendinde bir gerçekliğe ve (...) varlığa sahip olduğunu kabul eder. Fakat Kant, zamanı bütün duyuları önceleyen bir görü olarak anlamasının tohumlarını da hala Kritik öncesi dönemde iken eker. Bu doğrultuda, onun odağı özneyi merkeze alan bir tutuma doğru ilerler görünür. Kritik döneminde özne merkezci konumu daha da belirginleşir ve Kant, zamanın bütün dışsallıkları öncelediğini iddia eder. Ona göre zaman, duyulur bir görü olarak, eşyayı zihnin algılayabilmesi için eşzamanlılık ve ardışıklık içinde konumlandırır. Diğer taraftan Bergson, Kant’ı pek çok açıdan eleştirmekle beraber onun düşüncelerinden açık bir şekilde faydalanır. Bergson’un zaman anlayışı iki bileşenden oluşur: Salt süre ve homojen zaman. Salt süre, özne-merkezci olması bakımından üzerinde Kant’ın düşünce pratiğinin etkisinin görünür olduğu bir kavramsallaştırmadır. Bu, her bir bilincin, kişinin geçmiş ve şimdisini bir bütünde birleştirerek bireysel olarak sahip olduğu ve özünde heterojen, sırasız bir şekilde ardışık ve bölünemez zamandır. Homojen zaman ise sıralı ve eşzamanlı olması bakımından köklerini yine Kant’ta bulur. Homojen zaman, salt sürelerin uyum içinde çalışmasını sağlayan, bireyler için ortak zemini teşkil eden zamandır. Bu iki filozofun düşünceleri doğrultusunda İkbal’in zaman teorisi incelendiğinde, onun hem duyulabilir görünün bir formu olan Kant’ın zamanından hem de Bergson’un salt süresinden faydalandığı ortaya çıkar. İkbal, bu iki zaman anlayışını kullanarak İslam düşüncesinde İlahi Zaman’ı ve dolayısıyla da özgür iradeyi yeniden inşa eder. Salt süre ve yaratıcılık açısından, evrene yönelik mekanik bir anlayış Bergson ve İkbal tarafından reddedilir. Böylece İkbal, özgür iradenin Tanrı’nın salt süresi, yani İlahi Zaman, aracılığı ile yayılmasına ve tüm benliklere ait salt sürelere nüfuz etmesine izin verir. Biz, bu makale aracılığı ile, İkbal’in salt süre mefhumunu ve Tanrı’ya ait salt süre olarak İlahi Zaman’ı kullanarak özgür irade anlayışını yeniden inşa etmesinin köklerine gitmek niyetindeyiz. (shrink)

History works written in the style of chronicles are used not only for the purpose for which they were written. Chronic works may also contain reflections on the position of the ulema (ʿulamāʾ) at the time of its writing and his view of the scientific world of the period in which he lived. This work is based on the book ʿIqd al-jumān fī taʾrīkh ahl al-zamān written by the celebrated Ḥanafī jurist (faqīh) and muḥaddith Badr al-Dīn al-ʿAynī as a public (...) history book. This article, focuses on the state of ḥadīth science and scholars in the Mamlūks between the years 648-707 (1250-1307) and approaches of al-ʿAynī to these issues based on the work of ʿIqd al-jumān. For this purpose, the work has been examined in terms of certain keywords that allude to the history of ḥadīth through electronic sources. In addition, the work has been completely reviewed with the traditional method in terms of allusions and information about the hadith studies of the Mamlūks period. Eventually, the historical elements of ḥadīth referred to in ʿIqd al-jumān, scientific institutions, different groups of rāwī, different narration methods and classifications made during the period have been identified. In addition, the professional, sectarian and political trends of the muḥaddith of the period in question were focused on. Comparing the information in the sources written in the field of general history with the studies focusing directly on the historical elements of ḥadīth will contribute to compare the similarities and divergences. This study is an example of how to make use of the wafayāt sections in chronicle works. Examining a single book that was not written directly in the field of ḥadīth - even if it contains important information - is not enough to find elements about the history of ḥadīth and to make constructions regarding it. This necessitates the formation of a team that will examine a large number of books using the same criteria. (shrink)

One of the most rooted topics in Arabic poetry is the dirge. It shows that during the Jāhiliyya period, people lamented the dead at the graves and remembered their beautiful qualities. A similar situation continued in terms of content in the dirges that were said in the following periods. However, with the change of social, political and cultural conditions in time, there have been partial changes in the writing styles and purposes of the dirges. For example, the effects of political (...) and sectarian factors were felt more in the process that started with the Umayyad period and continued in the following centuries. On the other hand, it has been observed that poets wrote dirges not only for the people they love but also for themselves, the animals they owned and the cities they lived in. In Arabic literature, dirges written for cities became famous and widespread, especially during the Andalusian period. However, considering that the poets of the Jahiliyya period lament the lands abandoned by the beloved, especially in the first part of the ode, it can be said that the tradition of writing elegies for cities dates back to much earlier times. On the other hand, the destruction of cities during the Abbasid period due to many wars, especially the Mongol invasion, caused many poets to recite dirges for these destroyed cities. One of the cities damaged during this period is Baghdad, one of the most important cities of Islamic culture and civilization. As it is known, Baghdad was occupied by the Mongols in 1258. As a result of this occupation, also known as the Baghdad disaster, many of the material and spiritual wealth of the city were destroyed. For this reason, the event had great repercussions in Arabic poetry, and many poets who could not remain unresponsive to what happened elegized for Baghdad. One of these poets is Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī (d. 675/1256), whose al-Kasīda al-Nūniya is the subject of our study. Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī, who was born in 623/1226 in Kufa, is one of the leading literary scholars and poets of his period. Due to the fact that the Baghdad disaster affected his poems to a great extent, he was given the title of Poet of Baghdad Disaster. When his poems are examined in general, it can be said that the dirges he sang for family members, friends, children of his friends and the city of Baghdad, which was destroyed by the Mongolian invasion, are at the forefront. The poet, who uses verbal arts such as tibāq and rad al ajuz alā al sadr intensively, places more importance on the meaning dimension of the issue in his dirges and uses arts related to meaning skillfully. al-Kasīda al-Nūniya, written by Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī in the Kamil bahr for Baghdad, is composed of 27 couplets. The theme of complaint about separation is addressed in the introduction part of the kasīda. Then, the main subject of the kasīda was put forward with the themes of the effects of the Mongolian occupation in Baghdad, the poet's feelings about this occupation, and the longing for the beautiful days in Baghdad. In the conclusion part, by returning to the theme of complaint about separation, a different internal structure from the contents of traditional Arabic poetry is displayed. This organization, while in keeping with the spirit of the type of city dirge that reflects the disaster experienced in a city, also provides fluency. While words that are easy to pronounce and suitable for morphology rules are preferred in general, attention has been paid to the rules of eloquence. On the other hand, the poet mostly preferred informative sentences in which he conveyed the Baghdad disaster to the reader with all its truth. However, in the sections where he felt the need to express his emotional intensity in a more striking way, he enriched his expression with sentence types such as wonder, interrogation, oath and interjection. Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī frequently used jinās in his poems. In addition, the art of tibāk, which is one of the arts related to meaning, is one of the badī (creative) arts in its couplets. As a result, it was seen that the Mongol invasion had a considerable effect on Arab poetry within the framework of this city dirge, which Shamsaddīn al-Kūfī had recited, and that historical facts were transferred to the next periods with a poignant style in these poems. (shrink)

Kebahagiaan adalah tema abadi yang selalu dibicarakan manusia. Banyak filosof yang membicarakan kebahagiaan, dihitung dari zaman Yunani kuno hingga zaman filosof muslim. Al-Farabi, seorang filosof muslim di masa awal, menawarkan pandangan menarik tentang kebahagiaan: Negeri Utama sebagai pondasi meraih kebahagiaan. Kebahagiaan didefinisikan sebagai kebaikan tertinggi yang membuat manusia terlepas dari alam materi dan hidup bersama dengan makhluk non-materi selama-lamanya. Negeri Utama yang diumpamakan dengan sebuah tubuh, memiliki pemimpin yang telah mencapai kesempurnaan manusiawi. Melalui pemimpin itulah, masyarakat Negeri Utama berusaha secara (...) kolektif membangun negerinya demi mencapai kebahagiaan yang hakiki. Tulisan ini meneliti literatur yang ada, demi memberikan sebuah pandangan yang baik tentang kebahagiaan perspektif al-Farabi. Diharapkan, tulisan ini bisa menjadi jendela bagi yang lain dalam meneliti tema ini. (shrink)

There are two widely accepted definitions of ilm al-tafsīr in the hāshiyahs on Anwār al-Tanzīl. The most accepted ones are as follows: Tafsīr is the science that investigates the states of the word of Allah in terms of signifying the will of Allah. This definition mainly belongs to al-Taftāzānī in his hāshiyah on al-Kashshāf. Despite the objections directed to it, the definition was accepted in the later phases and there were not any detailed discussions on it. From this point of (...) view, it can be concluded that there is a common tafsīr definition in Anwār al-Tanzīl hāshiyahs due to the fact that the majority concurred with this definition. The prevalence of this definition is also out of the question for al-Kashshāf hāshiyahs. Its prevalence in the following literature may be attributed to its implementation in accordance with the definition requirements. Because in the definitions made based on the subject, the subject is regarded as genus, and how this subject is addressed is also considered as a difference (fasl). Accordingly, in the above definition, the subject of the tafsīr is explained as the states of Kalam, and the direction in which it is addressed is expressed in terms of the will of Allah. Thus, the subject of tafsīr and its research direction were explained and its difference from other sciences researching the Qur’ān was also stated. According to the second most widespread definition in the hāshiyahs, tafsīr is a science in which the meanings of the Kalam of Allah are known in terms of human capacity/capability. This definition is more or less a description (rasm) compared to the previous one. Hence, it is a looser definition. For this reason, the definition does not allow tafsīr to be separated from other sciences. Because, the meanings of words in the Qur’ān, language sciences and religious sciences are also explored. However, in the other definition, the difference of tafsīr was taken into consideration by including the directional record and the will/intent expression more quickly. On the other hand, the second definition has a limitation of being based on human capacity/capability that reveals some features of the tafsīr more clearly. This limitation expresses that the research in tafsīr is based on suppositional data in one way and continuity in another. Both definitions in the hāshiyahs show that there are clear and common definitions of ilm al-tafsīr between the hijri 9th and 12th centuries. It is stated that with a few exceptions, in almost all of the hāshiyahs, the ilm al-tafsīr is divided into two parts as tafsīr and ta’wīl. The tafsīr here is based on narrative, and ta’wīl is based on reason. Explanation of both of them in this way can be seen in al-Kashshāf. Accordingly, it is understood that both concepts become evident in al-Kashshāf and Anwār al-Tanzīl hāshiyahs. However, when we look at some tafsīr introductions, and literature of ulūm al-Qur’ān, it is observed that vastly different explanations have been made about them. This gives the impression that there is no clear and widespread acceptance of them. However, by explaining as mentioned, their meaning becomes clear in the next literature. Because this explanation about them is essentially a statement that al-Māturīdī conveyed from his predecessors. Accordingly, an explanation about both concepts that was conveyed from the early period has gained acceptance and became widespread especially in the sharhs-hāshiyahs for the following process. Since al-Baydāwī associates both concepts with muhkam and mutashābih, the commentators also explained this relationship. They contain the definitions of the muhkam and mutashābih, which al-Baydāwī made in accordance with Shāfi‘ī method. Accordingly, muhkam are the ones that is clear in terms of what is meant, and do not need further explanation. Examples of muhkam are verses about shari‘a 'orders, inheritance distribution, transactions, and marriage issues. The provisions on these issues should be based on narrative, not reason. Thus, the explanation of muhkam becomes tafsīr. The mutashābih is interpreted since the meaning is not clear. In this case, their interpretation is also ta’wīl. The religious sciences that tafsīr benefits from are explained as being hadith, fiqh, theology, mysticism, and usūl al-fiqh, and this case expresses a general opinion. Literary sciences required for tafsīr are also described as glossary, derivation, morphology, grammar, bayān, ma‘ānī, and badī‘. However, there are two opinions about the knowledge of disciplines such as prosody, rhyme, qard al-shi‘r, khat, and inshā. According to one opinion, since these sciences are not related to the Qur’ān, it is not necessary to know them in order to interpret them. According to the other one, for a competent interpretation activity, these sciences must be known, and their data are thought to contribute to tafsīr. (shrink)

Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī (d. 900/1494), a figure who lived in the 15th century, studied under scholars of his time such as Khujazāda Muṣliḥuddīn Efendi (d. 893/1488). Kirmāstī was from the district of Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa) in Bursa. Yûsuf b. Hussein al-Kirmāstī was a qadi (judge) during the reign of Sultan Bâyezid II (1481-1512). Kirmāstī, originally from Kirmāstī (Mustafakemalpaşa), Bursa, established a medrese (theological school) in Istanbul named Kirmâstî. After serving as a lecturer in various madrasahs, he transitioned to the judicial (...) field, carrying out qadi duties in Bursa and Istanbul. His just decisions and courageous stance during his tenure as a qadi earned him the appreciation of Sultan Bâyezid II. Kirmāstī, who had a mosque, a madrasah, and a school in Istanbul, is known to have had an additional school in his hometown of Kirmāstī. He passed away in 900/1494 and was buried next to the school he built in Fatih Mosque. This study aims to reintroduce Kirmāstī to the contemporary academic world from a fresh perspective, considering his proficiency in religious and linguistic sciences of the time, including rhetoric, badiʿ, bayān, uṣūl, fiqh, debate and ʿaqāid. The focus is on this study the stylistic elements of literary technique styles (al-muḥassināt al-maʿnewiyyah) within his specific work titled “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān”. Through this exploration, the significant Ottoman scholar and his works are presented, followed by an analysis of the literary technique styles in “al-Mukhtār fi-l-maʿānī wa-l-bayān” bringing attention to interested parties. (shrink)

Ömer Nasuhî Bilmen, daha çok dinî ilimler alanındaki eserleriyle temayüz etmis bir din âlimi olmakla birlikte, edebiyat alanında da çesitli eserler telif etmis bir ediptir. Arap, Fars ve Türk edebiyatları alanlarında derin bir birikime sahip olan Bilmen, dinî ilimler ile ilgili eserlerinde de bu birikimini degerlendirmis ve dinî konuları açıklarken zaman zaman Arap, Fars ve Türk edebiyatlarından bazı alıntılara yer vermistir. Dinî ilimlere dair olan eserleri arasında edebî birikimini en çok yansıttıgı kitabı hadis alanında kaleme aldıgı Hikmet Gonceleri’dir. Çalısmamızda Ömer (...) Nasuhî Bilmen’in bu eserinde hadisleri açıklarken Fars edebiyatından yaptıgı alıntılar ele alınmıstır. Bu alıntıların Farsça metinleri Fars alfabesiyle, okunusları da transkripsiyon alfabesiyle verildikten sonra Türkçe çevirilerine yer verilmis ve bunların kaynakları önemli ölçüde tespit edilerek belirtilmistir. (shrink)

Veba, kızamık, sıtma, kolera, İspanyol gribi gibi salgın hastalıklar Osmanlı’yı her açıdan etkilemiş ve dönemin konjonktürüne göre çeşitli alanlarda çeşitli tedbirler alınmıştır. Bu çalışmada özellikle son dönemin seçilme sebebi, hem daha fazla salgın tespitinin yapılmış olması hem de bu dönem kayıtlarının fazla olmasıdır. 1800’lerden sonra Osmanlı’da belirli sebeplerle belirli süreçler ve sonuçlarıyla farklı salgınlar yaşanmıştır. Bunlardan bir kısmı mikro düzeyde bazıları ise makro düzeyde etkilemiştir devleti. Salgınlardan en çok etkilenen kesim şüphesiz çocuklar olmuştur, özellikle eğitim çağındaki çocukların hem hastalıktan etkilenme (...) süreci hızlanmış hem de en çabuk müdahale grubu olmuştur. Osmanlı salgınlarda eğitim ile ilgili ayrı tedbirler almıştır. Okulları, öğretmenleri, öğrencileri, kaldıkları yerleri ve ebeveynleri de zaman zaman içine alan bu önlem çabaları, devleti kurumsal anlamda etkilemiştir. Arşiv belgelerine baktığımızda, okulların tatil edilmeleri, aşılama politikaları, dezenfekte çalışmalarının yaygınlaştırılması, öğrencilerde ve ebeveynlerinde bu konuda bilinç oluşturma, bu konular için ayrı ödenekler ayarlanması, öğretmenlerin bu konuda maddi manevi desteklenmesi gibi hususlar salgın ve eğitim tedbirleri konusunda en çok dile getirilen meseleler olmuştur. Çoğunlukla Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet arşiv belgeleri ve dönemin kroniklerine dayanarak, doküman analizi yöntemi ile hazırlayacağımız bu çalışma, dönemin salgınları karşısında eğitimin aksamaması için devletin aldığı tedbirleri ortaya çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. (shrink)

İsrâ ve mi‘rac Allah tarafından Hz. Peygamber’e lütfedilmiş iki büyük mucizedir. İsrâ olayı, ismini kendisinden aldığı İsrâ sûresinin ilk âyetinde anlatılmaktadır. Dolayısıyla bu olay Kur’ân ile sabittir. Mi‘rac hâdisesi ise birçok sahâbîden gelen ve çoğu hadis âlimlerine göre tevâtüren sabit olan bir hâdisedir. Ayrıca hem tefsir hem de hadis âlimleri mi‘racla, Necm sûresinin ilk 18 âyeti arasında da bir ilişki kurmuşlardır. Başka bir deyişle Necm sûresinin ilk 18 âyeti Hz. Peygamber’in yaşamış olduğu mi‘rac olayının tasviri olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Ancak Necm sûresinin (...) Mekke döneminin ilk yıllarında indiği, mi‘rac hâdisesinin ise hicrete yakın bir zamanda meydana geldiği de kaynaklarda zikredilmektedir. Bu durumda sûre ile sûreye isnat edilen olay arasında bir anakronizm/tarih uyuşmazlığı ortaya çıkmaktadır. Ortaya çıkan tarihsel uyuşmazlığa göre isrâ olayının akabinde yaşanan mi‘racın, Necm sûresinde anlatılan olayla ilişkili olmadığını söylemek gerekir. Ayrıca söz konusu anakronizme bağlı olarak Necm sûresinin ilgili âyetlerinin metafizik bir olayı değil Mekke’de gerçekleşmiş fizikî bir hâdiseyi anlattığı da ileri sürülmüştür. Bu amaçla, sûrede zikredilen bazı kelimeler Mekke’nin coğrafi yapısıyla ilişkilendirilerek olay etrafında maddî âlemle irtibatlı fikirler beyan edilmiştir. Anlam ağı, kavramsal yapı ve olay örgüsü, ilgili âyetlerin fizikî âlemle ilişkilendirilmesine imkân tanımakta mıdır? Maddî âlemle ilişkilendirmekten ziyade Necm sûresindeki içeriği başka bir mi‘rac olayıyla irtibatlandırmak suretiyle bu anakronizmi çözümlemek mümkün müdür? Bu makalede bu sorular cevaplanmaya ve Necm sûresiyle mi‘rac olayı arasındaki zaman farklılığı ve Necm sûresinin bazı âyetlerinin muhtevasına yönelik ileri sürülen birtakım düşünce ve yorumlar tahlil edilmeye çalışılacaktır. (shrink)